Academics in the social sciences rely on theories and models
of human behavior. For academics
whose entire career and livelihood depends on their theories, events that
challenge their theories threatened their existence. Thus, there are powerful incentives for those whose theories
are challenged to explain away the events that undermine their credibility.
A foundation of classical economics is that people make
rational decisions, or at least enough people make enough rational decisions
such that their rationality nullifies the irrational. From time to time, however, real events challenge this
assumption. In financial markets,
these events are known as “bubbles,” which seem to be occurring with greater
regularity. (And given the recent actions of the authorities, there is no
reason to suggest this will change anytime soon.)
As one might expect, the revisionism and rationalization of the
housing bubble amongst academics who say that the market was not irrational is
already occurring. At the blog
Causes of the Crisis, Jeffrey Friedman argues that home buyers were not being
irrational. Why?
[I]n reality, very sober housing experts and economists
(including Ben Bernanke) agreed that there was no bubble, and there was nothing
“irrational” about this consensus.
First of all, there were several economists who thought
otherwise, including Nouriel Roubini and Robert Shiller, as did investors such
as George Soros and Jim Rogers, as well as academics such as Nassim Taleb. Heck, even us shmucks at Running of the
Bulls could see the insanity of the housing markets, and we certainly do not
offer any pretense of being particularly wise and intelligent! That we got it right and all these
“experts and economists” got it spectacularly wrong is more cause for shame and
embarrassment than them actually getting it wrong!
The fact that a “consensus agrees” does not make it
correct. By this logic, there was
nothing irrational about the Nasdaq trading at 100x earnings when it peaked out
in March 2000 at 5132 because the market “consensus” said that was what the
Nasdaq was worth. Many investors
and economists at the time also argued that the Nasdaq was not a bubble. This is not only specious reasoning, it
is dangerous both to the economy and to your own pocketbook and well-being.
Friedman goes on.
After all, housing prices had risen steadily since the
Depression as the U.S. population grew and its affluence increased. Why
shouldn’t people keep buying bigger, more expensive homes? There had never been
a significant nationwide housing bubble, and housing speculation in “hot”
markets such as Miami and Las Vegas could be quite rationally dismissed as localized.
Friedman assumes that people logically processed these facts
and rationally made decisions based on this information. In fact, these were the reasons why
people acted irrationally. Because
people believed such, they had a foundation for throwing caution and reason to
the wind because they believed they could not lose.
I often wonder if the academics who purport this view ever
actually talked to anyone who was involved in the housing market. Yes, some were rational but many were
not. Amongst one of many
examples I encountered, my friendly but uneducated neighbor who knows nothing
about investing would become excited about the fortune he was going to make
investing in coastal real estate in 2006, and he would cite these reasons in
his excitement (not to mention other “truths” that are always bandied about at
the top of the real estate market, such as “land is limited”).
The idea that this behavior is “rational” comes from the
mistaken belief in financial economics that Larry Summers described as “ketchup
economics,” whereby if two 16 ounce bottles of ketchup are priced the same as
one 32 ounce bottle of ketchup, the price is “right” and the market is
rational. This construct excludes
concepts of intrinsic value and comparisons to price.
Using Friedman’s logic, economists and investors argued that
Cisco at 100x earnings in 2000 was “rational.” After all, people had seen tech stocks rising to
astronomical heights, with tales from friends and neighborhoods of instant
wealth in tech stocks. The advances
in technologies, the story went, meant astronomical profits for tech
companies. Talking Sock Puppet
Companies were “rationally” valued at over $1 billion and 100x sales because
people would buy endlessly buy pet food over the Internet. It is hard to believe that anyone who
lived through that period could take such logic seriously.
In the above quote, Friedman makes no mention of the
intrinsic value of a house. One
would think that if one were rational, one would undertake a discounted cash
flow valuation of the cash flows of owning real estate relative to renting,
estimate a sale price, then make a decision based on their calculation. The number of people I know who did
this was zero. Instead, all people
usually cared about was if they could afford the monthly payment. Homebuyers
rarely calculated the value of the house and whether or not the price they were
paying made sense relative to the intrinsic value of a home.
To the “rational” investor, the price of the asset will
approximate its intrinsic value.
When the price becomes unhinged from its intrinsic value, the asset
becomes irrational. This is what
happens during bubbles, including the housing bubble.
In any given market, there are always rational and
irrational agents. Markets tend
towards rationality over time but are not always rational at any given
time. The level of irrationality
in the market is a function of the both the number of irrational investors as
well as the intensity of the irrationality. Irrationality manifests into momentum. Momentum investing is not always
irrational but irrational markets are dominated by momentum investors. Momentum
investors care not about intrinsic value.
They only care that the market is going up. 100x earnings?
Who cares? Losses
forecasted for a decade? Doesn’t
matter. It is the price action
that matters. In a momentum-driven
market, nobody is rationally calculating the value of an asset. It is totally irrelevant.
I have spent nearly 20 years in capital markets, and I am
always amazed when people tell me that irrationality does not drive
markets. I often wonder if these
people have any actual experience at all. Markets are often driven by greed and
fear. The idea that people were
rationally selling stocks at the bottom in March is laughable. They were scared out of their
mind.
……………………..
Friedman attempts to debunk three myths of the crisis, of
which the irrationality of markets is supposedly one. He sets about two other so-called myths, executive
compensation and the failure of capitalism. I am not going to comment on his other two identified myths
except for one – Friedman’s comments on MBS securities purchased by bond
managers.
Perhaps the most powerful evidence against the
executive-compensation thesis, however, is that 81 percent of the
mortgage-backed tranches purchased by banks were rated AAA[5], and thus
produced lower returns than the double-A and lower-rated tranches of the same
mortgage-backed securities that were available. Bankers who were indifferent to
risk because they were seeking higher return, hence higher bonuses, should have
bought the lower-rated tranches universally, but they did so only 19 percent of
the time. And most of those purchases were of double-A rather than A, BBB, or
lower-rated, more-lucrative tranches.
Now, I have not read the piece Friedman references, so
perhaps I am wrong. However, it
appears that the author may be making incorrect assumptions about portfolio
construction when drawing this conclusion. His conclusion is only true if the portfolio manager’s
choices are limited to mortgage investments, and if the asset allocation of
mortgage bonds was at or below policy targets.
Some institutions have a target allocation towards credit
ratings. If a bank has an
allocation towards AAA-rated securities, the money manager will often view
AAA-rated mortgages the same as AAA-rated Treasuries since both are rated
AAA. However, even though both may
have been rated AAA before the crisis, yields for AAA-rated mortgages were 20
to 40 basis points higher than AAA-rated Treasuries.
Managers are compensated based on their returns relative to
their benchmarks and to their peers.
If a manager has a pool of AAA-rated securities from which to choose, he
will attempt to pick up yield by shifting his allocation away from Treasuries
to mortgage bonds because if he does not, then he will lag his peers and
perhaps the benchmark. Thus, it
may not be correct to look at the breakdown of holdings within the different tranches
of MBS in isolation, as Friedman appears to do. Instead, the correct analysis would be to look at the
breakdown of holdings within the allocation towards each rating. How many more mortgage bonds were held
relative to Treasuries compared to the past? I do not know the answer to this, but my guess is that given
that securitization exploded this decade, and managers probably shifted fund
from Treasuries towards other AAA-rated securities such as mortgages. And as we now know, many of those AAA
securities were garbage.
Likewise, money managers will make decisions based upon
policy targets. If policy targets
shift towards holding more structured products, the money manager will be
forced to buy more structured products.
Again, I have no empirical data to back it up, but it is not
unreasonable to assume that there was a policy shift towards structured
products at institutions this decade as derivatives and structured products
became more prevalent within fixed income.
Unless I am wrong and the secular shifts in structured
products are accounted for in the data Friedman cites (and I will acknowledge
such here if shown otherwise), the composition of holdings within the mortgage
market does not tell us anything about riskiness of portfolios and thus
executive compensation.